PASSAGE OF THE DAY: "It says something about the changing nature of Georgia justice that
there will even be a hearing to discuss whether Gates should get a new
trial. The presiding judge, John Allen, a decorated Vietnam War fighter
pilot, knows this case well. He presided over Gates’ successful attempt
to get out from under his death sentence 15 years ago. It’s hard to
imagine the state’s appellate courts overturning a decision he’d make to
give Gates a new trial."
STORY: "A Murder Case
Unravels," by Andrew Cohen, published by The Marshall Project on May 6,
2018. The Marshall Project tells us : "Andrew Cohen is a senior editor.
He oversees the site’s
analysis and helps provide daily coverage of legal events and issues. A
recovering attorney, he is the legal analyst for 60 Minutes and CBS
Radio News, a fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice, and a
contributing editor at The Atlantic."
SUB-HEADING: "Prosecutors stacked the deck. Forty-one years later, that may be enough to free Johnny Gates."
GIST: "Johnny Lee Gates’ journey through the Georgia justice system already is
the stuff of legal legend and one of the longest-running capital cases in the nation’s history. A black man
convicted by an all-white jury of murdering a white woman
in Muscogee County in 1977, he was quickly sentenced to death. Now, 41
years later, defense attorneys and prosecutors are back in court Monday
fighting over some of the most persuasive evidence yet that Gates’ trial
was an unconstitutionally prejudiced exercise. Defense attorneys have evidence that prosecutors systematically
excluded black prospective jurors in his case. In February, after a
bitter public records battle, a judge ordered state attorneys to turn
over the notes Gates’ prosecutors took during the jury selection. The
notes showed precisely the sort of racial bias the U.S. Supreme Court in
2016 held unconstitutional
in another Georgia case
involving prosecutorial misconduct and a black defendant, a case
involving one of the prosecutors who also helped send Gates to death
row. The notes show that in Gates’ case white prospective jurors were
labeled with a “W” and black prospective jurors were labeled with an
“N.” An expert employed by the defense swears that the probability that
all of the black jurors were struck at random is
0.000000000000000000000000000004. That’s 29 zeroes. The math is
debatable, but a finding by the judge that the jury selection was
transparently racist could mean a new trial for Gates. Why would
prosecutors worry about a new trial in a case involving a confession
they’ve defended for decades? Because the case against Gates was shaky
from the start. On Nov. 30, 1976, three weeks after fellow Georgian
Jimmy Carter was
elected president, Katharina Wright was robbed, raped, and murdered in
her apartment in Columbus in the middle of a weekday. Her body was
found, bound, with a bullet wound in her head. One witness promptly told
police she saw a white man running away from the building around the
time of the murder. Another witness, who lived just below the apartment
where the murder took place, told the cops that a black man around 5
feet 10 inches tall and weighing about 170 pounds had come around
earlier that day saying he was with the gas company and asking whether
the neighbor wanted his gas turned off. A white man named Lester Sanders
was questioned by the police after
he was found fondling the victim’s body while it lay in its casket at a
funeral home. The cops later told a grand jury that Sanders began
confessing to the Wright murder, telling the police details about the
crime that only the true killer would have known. But Sanders never was
charged, and four decades later no one has explained why. Two months
after the murder, in January 1977, Gates was arrested with two others
and charged with trying to rob a store. And that’s when the
investigation into the murder of Katharina Wright took a dramatic turn.
An informant told the police that Gates had borrowed a gun, claimed
to have murdered Wright, and then given the gun back to the informant
who then threw the weapon into a nearby creek. The gun was later
discovered, test-fired, and found not to have been used to kill Wright.
Nor were any fingerprints other than those of the victim and her husband
initially found by the cops at the crime scene. But it didn’t matter
because by the time the forensics came back the police had a
“confession” from Gates — and not just a typed-up one. For the first
time in the history of the police department of Columbus, Georgia, the
cops taped one of its “confessions,” taped it at the scene of the crime
for added effect, and its use at the trial doomed Gates. Gates’
confession was detailed. He signed a typed document that said
he had identified himself as a gas company employee and went to Wright’s
apartment dressed as a civilian. Katharina said she had called the gas
company because her heater wasn’t working. Why did she let him in? We’ll
never know. Gates then allegedly told her he was robbing her to which
she responded that she had no money but could give him sex instead. They
had consensual sex, according to the confession, and then the story has
Gates shooting the woman to death after she said that she would be able
to identify him once he left the apartment.
To
emphasize their version of events the police took Gates to
Wright’s apartment to videotape his “re-enactment” of the crime. The
tape shown to jurors had Gates traipsing around the apartment and,
pointedly, touching the heater from which fingerprints ultimately would
be taken and used against him at trial. Gates then, and later, was
considered intellectually disabled, and profoundly so. School records
showed the extent of his deficiencies in adaptive reasoning, and his
background in special education, a history police and prosecutors knew
or should have known about in 1977. But it wasn’t until 1992 that
post-conviction attorneys first raised that issue on Gates’s behalf
after discovering school records and his post-conviction IQ testing,
which showed him in the range of “retardation,” as it was called then.
The police took that taped and written “confession” and supplemented
it with the testimony of that downstairs neighbor, the man who swore
that Gates was the man he had seen the day of the murder. He swore to
this in court even though Gates was 40 pounds lighter and four inches
shorter than the 5-foot-10-inch, 170-pound man the witness had
described. Prosecutors also told jurors that Gates’ fingerprint had been
found at the scene even though the initial police search of the
apartment had not turned up any foreign prints. Did Gates touch
something during his police-video performance inside the apartment? Like
the heater to which he had been directed? Is that how his prints got
there? That was just one of the questions never answered at trial. No
surprise, really, since the whole trial took fewer than three days to
complete. It took jurors 95 minutes to convict Gates. It took them 58
more minutes to recommend the death sentence against him after a
“penalty phase” of a trial that lasted less than two hours. His
attorneys raised a number of issues on appeal, trying primarily to get
out from under the confession, but they all went nowhere. “We have
already noted that the verdict of the jury was not imposed under the
influence of passion, prejudice, or other arbitrary factor,” the Georgia
Court of Appeals pointedly declared in a 1979 ruling that first upheld
Gates’ conviction and sentence. The story fast-forwards now to 2016. By
this time Gates had gotten
off the state’s death row because of the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2002
decision outlawing the execution of the intellectually disabled. Faced
at last with his school records and cognitive testing results Georgia
attorneys agreed to revert his death sentence to a sentence of life
without parole. But it is another Supreme Court decision, in 2016, that
brings everyone back to court on Monday. In
Foster v. Chatman,
the justices concluded that Douglas Pullen, the same prosecutor who had
tried Gates, had illegally discriminated against a black capital
defendant by striking all four black prospective jurors from the case.
Pullen had tried to explain those choices, saying he had a
“race-neutral” reason for each one, but the court didn’t buy it and
Timothy Foster was granted a new trial. The Foster decision convinced Gates’ current lawyers to renew their
claims that his trial, too, was infected by racial bias. And why not?
The Foster case had uncovered a pattern by the two prosecutors who
handled the Gates case, Pullen and William Smith, in which virtually all
black prospective jurors were eliminated from consideration in capital
cases involving black defendants. The record in the five cases in which
Pullen struck black jurors from the pool was 27-for-27. In the four
cases in which Smith made the call he was only able to strike all the
black potential jurors three times because in the fourth case, after
using 10 strikes to exclude 10 black people, there were still other
black prospective jurors. It says something about the changing nature of Georgia justice that
there will even be a hearing to discuss whether Gates should get a new
trial. The presiding judge, John Allen, a decorated Vietnam War fighter
pilot, knows this case well. He presided over Gates’ successful attempt
to get out from under his death sentence 15 years ago. It’s hard to
imagine the state’s appellate courts overturning a decision he’d make to
give Gates a new trial. The Gates case is notable as another test of how far the courts are
going to go to remedy past episodes of racial misconduct by officials in
capital cases involving black defendants and white victims. A new trial
here, over the objections of prosecutors, could finally tell us what
happened to that white suspect, how Gates’ prints suddenly turned up at a
crime scene where before they were absent, and why a robbery suspect
would start to fix a gas heater in the home of a woman he then shot in
the head. Or, it could convince prosecutors to abandon altogether the
case against Gates."