Wednesday, May 27, 2026

Stefon Morant: New Haven: Ongoing Federal Civil Rights Wrongful Conviction Trial: In closing arguments, New Haven (the city) defends the New Haven Police Department (NHPD), Morant asks for 90M, The New Haven Independent (Reporter Mona Mahadevan) reports noting that: "The City of New Haven’s attorney argued in federal court that the New Haven Police Department (NHPD) never sanctioned any misconduct that may have taken place during a 1990 murder investigation. A lawyer representing Stefon Morant, meanwhile, asked a jury to award his client $90 million as compensation for the decades he spent in prison after Det. Vincent Raucci allegedly framed him and Scott Lewis for a double homicide they have long claimed they did not commit."


PASSAGE OF THE DAY: "Morant got through his 21 years in prison through his faith, (Defence Attorney HL) Brustin told the jury. “And now, Mr. Morant puts his faith in you.”

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STORY: "In closing arguments, City defends NHPD, Morant asks for $90M, by Reporter Mona Mahadevan, published by The New Haven Independent, on May 27, 2026.



GIST: "The City of New Haven’s attorney argued in federal court that the New Haven Police Department (NHPD) never sanctioned any misconduct that may have taken place during a 1990 murder investigation.

A lawyer representing Stefon Morant, meanwhile, asked a jury to award his client $90 million as compensation for the decades he spent in prison after Det. Vincent Raucci allegedly framed him and Scott Lewis for a double homicide they have long claimed they did not commit.

Those arguments were made by Thomas Gerarde and Nick Brustin, respectively, during closing arguments Tuesday in Morant’s wrongful-conviction trial.

“You should not award damages as to the City of New Haven” in this case, “where detectives knew the rules, they were fully trained, and no supervisor ever suggested that [misconduct] would be condoned,” said Gerarde.

“We live with whatever you say,” Gerarde told the jury. If they find the city liable, he asked them to assess $750k in damages. Do not use “anger” or “sympathy” to make a decision, he said. “Be cool, calm, and collected.”

The city’s attorney said “that you are not allowed to be angry. In fact, there’s nothing in the charge that says you shouldn’t be angry. You should be angry. You should be absolutely furious,” Brustin fired back.

Four weeks ago, when the trial first began, Gerarde claimed that Morant’s case was not one “of wrongful conviction.” He said “nothing improper happened” when Raucci collected witness statements about the 1990 murders of former alderman Ricardo Turner and his partner, Lamont Fields. 

In closing arguments on Tuesday, however, Gerarde changed strategy. He elided any mention of Morant’s innocence or guilt, and he declined to say anything about whether NHPD detectives engaged in misconduct during the Turner-Fields investigation.

Instead, Gerarde argued that the city should not be held liable for the alleged witness coercion, evidence fabrication, and other misconduct that sent Morant to prison for two decades.

Gerarde centered his argument on testimony from former city police officers Vincent Raucci, Michael Sweeney, Robert Lawlor, and Vaughn Maher.

“I took very great pains to try and get you information based on open-ended questions,” Gerarde told the jury. In response to those questions, every police witness testified that no supervisor had ever told them, “in words or in substance,” that they were allowed to withhold favorable evidence, feed information to witnesses, or otherwise violate people’s constitutional rights.

If the jury heard answers to the contrary, it was only due to the barrage of aggressive, leading questions from the plaintiff’s attorneys, argued Gerarde. They failed to “give [the police witnesses] a chance to calmly hear and reflect” before answering their questions.

“Look,” he said. It’s “not a fair fight. These police officers who have been off the job for 35 years” are “no match for the kind of peppering they got.”

Brustin, Morant’s attorney, called that argument “rich.” 

“We were cross-examining long-time detectives with their lawyers present,” while they stand accused of “coercing and feeding information to vulnerable [teenagers] in a small room in 1991,” he said.

Unlike the plaintiffs, the defense never pressed the police witnesses “to explain” anything, argued Brustin. The defendants failed “to put on a case.”

Over the last few weeks, Morant and his attorneys have worked to build a case against the City of New Haven and six former detectives in U.S. District Judge Sarala Nagala’s Hartford courtroom.

On Wednesday, the jury will begin deliberating on whether any of the parties are liable for Morant’s wrongful conviction. They will also decide what, if anything, Morant is owed in compensatory damages.

When Scott Lewis, Morant’s alleged co-conspirator, brought a wrongful-conviction suit against the city a decade ago, he and the Harp administration reached a $9.5 million settlement in 2017. By that point, Lewis had spent 18 years behind bars. A federal judge overturned his conviction in 2013.

Morant, meanwhile, was incarcerated for 21 years before being released on a sentence reduction in 2015. He eventually received an absolute pardon and a $5.84 million wrongful-conviction award from the state.

Morant and Lewis have long claimed that Raucci framed them for the double-homicide because of a drug-dealing debt. In this ongoing trial in Hartford, Morant and his attorneys have also argued that under then-Police Chief Nicholas Pastore, the culture of the NHPD enabled witness coercion, evidence fabrication, and other police misconduct.

The city should be held responsible for those institutional problems, argued the plaintiffs.

Theory #1: The City “Ratified” Misconduct

In closing arguments on Tuesday, Brustin offered three theories for the city’s liability under federal law. Under one theory, the city “ratified” the misconduct that led to Morant’s conviction. This argument requires the plaintiffs to prove that Pastore — who died in September 2024 — knew about the detectives’ alleged misconduct in the Turner-Fields investigation and failed to intervene.

In the 1990s, Brustin said Raucci’s “widespread criminal conduct” was well known — including by Pastore, who admitted in his January 2024 deposition that he had suspected Raucci of dealing drugs. Brustin argued that Pastore helped to hide Raucci’s misconduct by tipping him off about the FBI’s investigation into his alleged drug dealing. (Raucci has denied using and dealing cocaine. In 2023, he was allegedly caught with crystal meth and fentanyl.)

Brustin said Pastore may have been motivated to keep Raucci’s misconduct “under wraps” due to his own prostitution-related scandal. Pastore denied tipping off Raucci during his deposition.

Rather than litigating those issues during Morant’s civil-rights trial, Gerarde argued that the plaintiffs failed to prove a narrower claim: that Pastore had been involved with the Turner-Fields investigation and that he had condoned the alleged misconduct leading to Morant’s conviction.

“There’s no proof” that Pastore learned about issues in the investigation and told the detectives “to keep going, despite the flaws,” said Gerarde.

“Chief is busy. There’s no question,” he added. The jury cannot assume that Pastore supervised every investigation when the detective division received 4,000 new cases in 1990 alone.

On the topic of the FBI investigation, Gerarde said Pastore had been “reasonable” when he discouraged the agency from conducting a sting operation. The NHPD had already been looking into Raucci’s alleged illicit activities, Gerarde said, and they would have continued had Raucci not retired.

Theory #2: “Deliberate” Failure Of Supervision

The plaintiffs’ second liability argument posits that the city should be held responsible for “deliberately fail[ing] to provide adequate discipline and supervision” of police officers. To prevail on this argument, the plaintiffs must prove that the absence of “discipline and supervision” led the detectives to engage in the misconduct that put Morant behind bars.

The NHPD had a “code of silence,” argued Brustin. Former Det. Joseph Pettola testified that cops who reported misconduct were labeled as rats. Sweeney said his decision to contact Morant’s attorneys about exculpatory evidence was not considered acceptable by the NHPD.

Brustin said the so-called “code of silence” is substantiated by the number of cases involving similar constitutional violations during the 1990s. He cited wrongful-conviction claims involving Daryl Valentine, Troy Streater, Anthony Golino, Adam Carmon, Eric Hamm, George Gould, and Ronald Taylor.

“Each of the defendants told you they were never questioned by the NHPD about any misconduct,” said Brustin. “There cannot be a clearer example of deliberate indifference.”

Gerarde questioned Brustin’s timeline. For an absence of supervision and discipline to have caused Morant’s original 1994 murder conviction, the plaintiffs must demonstrate that the NHPD showed “deliberate indifference” to misconduct before the Turner-Fields investigation. However, argued Gerarde, most of the cases referenced by the plaintiffs were decided after January 1991, when most of the alleged misconduct took place.

“The only people that allegedly committed the misconduct…all testified they never saw the chief, even once, condone the misconduct,” said Gerarde. That fact alone, he argued, disproves all of the plaintiffs’ claims against the city.

Theory #3: NHPD Had A Widespread Custom Of Omitting Evidence

The plaintiffs’ third argument indicates that the city is responsible for the NHPD’s widespread practice of withholding exculpatory evidence.

“You heard clear, unambiguous admissions” that officers routinely omitted evidence favorable to suspects, said Brustin. Earlier in the trial, Sweeney and Pettola both testified that officers were not expected to include exculpatory or impeachment evidence in arrest affidavits.

Five separate witnesses in Morant’s case now claim to have been coerced into false testimony, noted Brustin. Issues with their statements — such as the 30 missing moments from the audio tapes and a teenage witness revising his story multiple times — were “never documented or disclosed.” Brustin asked, “What could be better evidence of a systemic problem?”

Outside of Morant’s case, there were other “very public examples” of the NHPD failing to disclose favorable evidence at the time. In Golino v. City of New Haven, filed in 1988, an officer testified that it was general practice to omit exculpatory evidence from arrest affidavits. In February 1991, Eric Hamm was wrongfully arrested for a murder; the case prompted then-prosecutor David Gold to write an internal memo about the NHPD omitting exculpatory evidence from case files.

The city “took no action” after either case, said Brustin.

Gerarde responded that in the Golino case, the court ended up dismissing all claims related to municipal liability. Because of that ruling, there was nothing in the case to prompt Pastore to revise the department’s policies and practices.

Gerarde also denied that the issue of omitting exculpatory evidence could be considered widespread. The cases cited by the plaintiffs involve a maximum of nine people, he pointed out.

Former officers “have testified consistently” in this case “that there was no time that they saw the chief condone officer misconduct,” repeated Gerarde. “That’s called not proving the case.”

$90 Million Vs. $756,000

Brustin opened the conversation about damages on Tuesday by asking, “What is the value of the loss of time and freedom of each day of wrongful incarceration?”

Morant spent 22 hours per day locked in a cage that was the size of a small bathroom. He lived in “a world of steel” under the “constant threat of violence,” he said. “What is a fair and just value of that? What about for 21 years of waking up day after day to the fear that you might die in prison for something you didn’t do?”

No amount of money can take away Morant’s trauma, Brustin told the jury. The legal system asks the jury nonetheless to find a “fair and just” estimate of his damages.

“Is two million for each of the 21 years enough?” asked Brustin. “How about three million for each year?” Even after his release, Morant continues to suffer from the emotional and physical trauma of his incarceration. To compensate for those years, Brustin suggested annual payments of $500,000 or $750,000.

The city is “hoping they can walk away from this trial with a slap on the wrist. The cost of doing business. We are asking you to do the exact opposite,” said Brustin.

Gerarde rebuffed that argument. This city is not asking for a “wrist slap,” he said. He accused the plaintiffs of anchoring the jury around such large sums to increase the odds of a significant payout.

Instead of beginning with millions, Gerarde asked the jury to start from $0.

“What if someone were to say $100 per day for all the days he was incarcerated?” The sum would be $756,000, said Gerarde. Someone else could suggest $250 per day, he said. That would yield a total payment of $1.9 million.

In Brustin’s rebuttal, he emphasized that the city’s lawyer is no longer saying that Morant committed the 1990 double-homicide.

“All of a sudden,” the defense has stopped accusing Morant of murdering Turner and Fields. “Not even they could stand up and say that” after everything that took place in the courtroom, said Brustin.

Morant got through his 21 years in prison through his faith, Brustin told the jury. “And now, Mr. Morant puts his faith in you.""

The entire story can be read at:

 in-closing-arguments-city-defends-nhpd-morant-asks-for-90mPUBLISHER'S NOTE:  I am monitoring this case/issue/resource. Keep your eye on the Charles Smith Blog for reports on developments. The Toronto Star, my previous employer for more than twenty incredible years, has put considerable effort into exposing the harm caused by Dr. Charles Smith and his protectors - and into pushing for reform of Ontario's forensic pediatric pathology system.  Please send any comments or information on other cases and issues of interest to the readers of this blog to: hlevy15@gmail.com.  Harold Levy: Publisher: The Charles Smith Blog. FINAL WORD:  (Applicable to all of our wrongful conviction cases):  "Whenever there is a wrongful conviction, it exposes errors in our criminal legal system, and we hope that this case — and lessons from it — can prevent future injustices."Lawyer Radha Natarajan: Executive Director: New England Innocence Project; FINAL, FINAL WORD: "Since its inception, the Innocence Project has pushed the criminal legal system to confront and correct the laws and policies that cause and contribute to wrongful convictions.   They never shied away from the hard cases — the ones involving eyewitness identifications, confessions, and bite marks. Instead, in the course of presenting scientific evidence of innocence, they've exposed the unreliability of evidence that was, for centuries, deemed untouchable." So true;

Jermal Shuler, Marc Brittingham, and Rasheed Smith: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: ('Deeply flawed forensic testimony'): Major (Welcome) Development: The Innocence Project has announced their exoneration after 28 years of wrongful conviction for a murder they did not commit, as a result of, "newly discovered forensic evidence which undermined the prosecution's entire case by discrediting expert testimony about the victim's time of death and thereby undermining the prosecution's core theory at trial."..."The three men were wrongfully convicted based on a single eyewitness who claimed to see them at the crime scene on Saturday night the weekend that the victim was killed. The eyewitness’ testimony was corroborated at trial by the medical examiner’s initial time of death determination. However, in post-conviction investigations by defense counsel and the Philadelphia District Attorney Office’s Conviction Integrity Unit (CIU), expert pathologists separately concluded that the medical examiner’s original time of death was unreasonable, and the victim likely died nearly 24 hours after the eyewitness testified that she saw the men."


BACKGROUND: The flawed evidence of Assistant Medical Examiner Bennett Preston: The Philadelphia Inquirer:  (Link below): "At trial in 1998, Bennett Preston, an assistant medical examiner, told jurors Essie Mae Thomas had likely died on the evening of Nov. 8, 1997 — a time frame prosecutors used to bolster the testimony of a sole witness who provided a direct link between the men and the killing...... Preston testified that her injuries and condition indicated she was likely killed on Nov. 8 — a timeline prosecutors said matched the account of a witness who placed the three men at the house that day.  But according to reviews by two forensic scientists, Preston failed to account for several things that contradicted his conclusion, including evidence that rigorous mortis may still have been developing - not disappearing - when Thomas' body was examined. The experts concluded it was extremely unlikely Thomas died on Nov. 8.  Defense attorneys argued in court filings that without Preston’s testimony, the case against the men largely unraveled. There was little physical evidence tying them to the killing, the lawyers said, and no DNA evidence linked them to the crime scene. Preston’s testimony about the timing of her death, they said, was used to prop up prosecutors’ otherwise unstable sole eyewitness, Wadia Brown, who admitted she was high on crack cocaine on the night she said she saw the three men on Thomas’ porch around that time. Efforts to reach Preston were unsuccessful Tuesday. Over the years, questions emerged about Preston’s work in multiple criminal cases, prompting renewed scrutiny from defense attorneys and prosecutors. In recent years, the conviction integrity unit began reexamining cases in which his testimony played a significant role, said unit supervisor Matthew Stiegler. Many of the specifics underlying the questions about Preston’s findings remain unclear. Court filings in the case were heavily redacted. Stiegler said Tuesday “what broke the case open” was the discovery that disciplinary action had previously been taken against Preston, but did not provide further details. Schultz concluded that the evidence uncovered by prosecutors and defense attorneys was crucial to the outcome of the trial and warranted a new one — a prosecution the district attorney’s office said it would no longer pursue."

philadelphia-men-exonerated-murder-essie-thomas-20260526.html

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INNOCENCE PROJECT RELEASE: QUOTE OF THE DAY: “Today’s ruling confirms what should have been clear from the outset: These convictions lacked reliable evidence and rested on deeply flawed forensic testimony,” said attorneys for the men. “For nearly three decades, Mr. Shuler, Mr. Brittingham, and Mr. Smith maintained their innocence while serving time for a crime they did not commit. The absence of physical evidence, along with new evidence discovered during the joint investigation, makes clear that this wrongful conviction should never have occurred. We are grateful to District Attorney Krasner’s Conviction Integrity Unit for its thorough, independent review to uncover the truth.”

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PASSAGE OF THE DAY: "In 2023, Mr. Shuler, Mr. Brittingham, and Mr. Smith retained Illinois-based forensic pathologist Dr. James Filkins, who concluded that the victim did not die on Saturday and likely died early Monday morning — a day later than the eyewitness account.  Dr. Filkins’ findings were supported in 2025, when Dr. James Gill, chief medical examiner for the State of Connecticut and past president of the National Association of Medical Examiners, who was retained by the CIU, concluded that the victim probably died late Sunday night. He opined it was “extremely unlikely” that the victim died Saturday night, further undermining the prosecution’s timeline."

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STORY: "Three Men Are Exonerated in Philadelphia After 28 Years of Wrongful Conviction," published by The Innocence Project  (Innocence Project Staff) on May 26, 2026.


SUB-HEADING: "Newly discovered forensic evidence undermines the prosecution’s entire case."


GIST: "Today, a Philadelphia judge vacated the convictions of Jermal Shuler, Marc Brittingham, and Rasheed Smith in a 1997 North Philadelphia murder after new forensic evidence discredited expert testimony about the victim’s time of death, undermining the prosecution’s core theory at trial.

 Mr. Shuler, Mr. Brittingham, and Mr. Smith spent over 28 years in prison for a murder they did not commit. 

The three men were wrongfully convicted based on a single eyewitness who claimed to see them at the crime scene on Saturday night the weekend that the victim was killed. 

The eyewitness’ testimony was corroborated at trial by the medical examiner’s initial time of death determination. 

However, in post-conviction investigations by defense counsel and the Philadelphia District Attorney Office’s Conviction Integrity Unit (CIU), expert pathologists separately concluded that the medical examiner’s original time of death was unreasonable, and the victim likely died nearly 24 hours after the eyewitness testified that she saw the men. 

The judge vacated the convictions against the three men after a joint request from Mr. Shuler’s attorneys at the Innocence Project and the Exoneration Project; Mr. Brittingham’s attorneys at the Pennsylvania Innocence Project and the Exoneration Project; Mr. Smith’s attorney at DLA Piper; and the CIU.

“Today’s ruling confirms what should have been clear from the outset: These convictions lacked reliable evidence and rested on deeply flawed forensic testimony,” said attorneys for the men. “For nearly three decades, Mr. Shuler, Mr. Brittingham, and Mr. Smith maintained their innocence while serving time for a crime they did not commit. The absence of physical evidence, along with new evidence discovered during the joint investigation, makes clear that this wrongful conviction should never have occurred. We are grateful to District Attorney Krasner’s Conviction Integrity Unit for its thorough, independent review to uncover the truth.”

A Case Built on an Unreliable Witness Identification

On Monday, Nov. 10, 1997, an elderly widow was reportedly found by her nephew, beaten and stabbed in her North Philadelphia home. She had last been seen alive the previous Friday afternoon. 

Police focused on Mr. Shuler, Mr. Brittingham, and Mr. Smith after a single witness claimed to have seen the three men leaving the victim’s home Saturday evening. No physical evidence connected the three men to the crime, and that witness faced significant credibility challenges at trial. To link the witness’s testimony to the murder, the Commonwealth relied on the medical examiner, who testified that the victim’s autopsy results were consistent with her having been killed on Saturday night. The autopsy report, however, never specified a time or date of death.

Faulty Forensics

This case clearly illustrates the impact of flawed forensic testimony on wrongful conviction, which was a factor in 52% of Innocence Project exonerations.

In 2023, Mr. Shuler, Mr. Brittingham, and Mr. Smith retained Illinois-based forensic pathologist Dr. James Filkins, who concluded that the victim did not die on Saturday and likely died early Monday morning — a day later than the eyewitness account. 

Dr. Filkins’ findings were supported in 2025, when Dr. James Gill, chief medical examiner for the State of Connecticut and past president of the National Association of Medical Examiners, who was retained by the CIU, concluded that the victim probably died late Sunday night. He opined it was “extremely unlikely” that the victim died Saturday night, further undermining the prosecution’s timeline.

Mr. Shuler is represented by Innocence Project attorney Angie Louie and Exoneration Project attorney Tara Thompson. Mr. Brittingham is represented by Pennsylvania Innocence Project attorney Nilam A. Sanghvi and Exoneration Project attorney Amelia Maxfield. Mr. Smith is represented by attorney Brian M. Robinson of DLA Piper."


The entire story can be read at:

https://innocenceproject.org/news/philadelphia-men-exonerated-jermal-shuler-brittingham-smith/

PUBLISHER'S NOTE:  I am monitoring this case/issue/resource. Keep your eye on the Charles Smith Blog for reports on developments. The Toronto Star, my previous employer for more than twenty incredible years, has put considerable effort into exposing the harm caused by Dr. Charles Smith and his protectors - and into pushing for reform of Ontario's forensic pediatric pathology system.  Please send any comments or information on other cases and issues of interest to the readers of this blog to: hlevy15@gmail.com.  Harold Levy: Publisher: The Charles Smith Blog. FINAL WORD:  (Applicable to all of our wrongful conviction cases):  "Whenever there is a wrongful conviction, it exposes errors in our criminal legal system, and we hope that this case — and lessons from it — can prevent future injustices."Lawyer Radha Natarajan: Executive Director: New England Innocence Project; FINAL, FINAL WORD: "Since its inception, the Innocence Project has pushed the criminal legal system to confront and correct the laws and policies that cause and contribute to wrongful convictions.   They never shied away from the hard cases — the ones involving eyewitness identifications, confessions, and bite marks. Instead, in the course of presenting scientific evidence of innocence, they've exposed the unreliability of evidence that was, for centuries, deemed untouchable." So true;

May 27: Technology Gone Wrong: Question of the day: What impact can Artificial Intelligence have on a continent where corruption, impunity, and executive appetite long predate artificial intelligence? Award-Winning Journalist Khalid Bencherif tackles this on 'Global Voices,' noting that: "In the past, tyranny in Africa required prisons, informants, secret police, and visible repression. Today, more and more of it arrives as software, financed by credit, wrapped in the language of modernisation, and sold as an upgrade to public safety."


PASSAGE ONE OF THE DAY: "A March 2026 study by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) and the African Digital Rights Network found that 11 African governments had collectively spent more than USD 2 billion on AI-powered surveillance systems. Nigeria alone accounted for more than USD 470 million. The kit includes high-definition CCTV, plate readers, facial recognition, biometric identity layers, and a control room where the feeds converge. Much of it is supplied or financed by Chinese firms and banks, while other layers come mainly from Israeli firms."

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PASSAGE TWO  OF THE DAY: "Even the KGB, the Soviet Union’s secret police, as Yuval Noah Harari has pointed out, did not have enough people to read millions of reports on millions of citizens every day. The dust in the archive was itself a form of freedom. AI dissolves that dust.   The AI-enabled surveillance now coming online in African cities is much cheaper thanks to Chinese open AI models and Israeli smart tools, because it rarely needs to punish anyone. Mass surveillance technologies — cameras, phone software, local internet networks — do not have to arrest anyone. They only need the citizens to know they are there. The awareness of being watched stops most action before it begins."

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COMMENTARY: "How AI is upgrading African dictatorship," by Khalid Bencherif, published by Global Voices, on May 22, 2026. "Khalid Bencherif is a freelance, award-winning Journalist from Morocco, based in Berlin, specializing in covering environmental and political issues in North Africa. He received the 2022 Michael Elliott Award for Excellence in African Storytelling, given by the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ). This piece was made possible by support from the International Center for Journalists’ Michael Elliott Award, which is celebrating its ten-year anniversary."


SUB-HEADING: "The IDS mapping shows cameras clustered where opposition parties organize, not where ordinary crime is highest 


GIST: “On coins, on stamps, on the covers of books, on banners, on posters and on the wrapping of a cigarette packet — everywhere. Always the eyes watching you and the voice enveloping you. Asleep or awake, working or eating, indoors or out of doors, in the bath or in bed — no escape. Nothing was your own except the few cubic centimetres inside your skull.” – George Orwell, “Nineteen Eighty-Four.”


Orwell could not have imagined that eventually, even those few cubic centimetres inside the skull would be contested on a continent already plagued by corruption and tyranny. This matters especially on a continent where corruption, impunity, and executive appetite long predate artificial intelligence. And where AI adoption is outpacing the development of rights-respecting legal frameworks

Africa rushes for smart tools of tyranny

In the past, tyranny in Africa required prisons, informants, secret police, and visible repression. Today, more and more of it arrives as software, financed by credit, wrapped in the language of modernisation, and sold as an upgrade to public safety.

A March 2026 study by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) and the African Digital Rights Network found that 11 African governments had collectively spent more than USD 2 billion on AI-powered surveillance systems. Nigeria alone accounted for more than USD 470 million. The kit includes high-definition CCTV, plate readers, facial recognition, biometric identity layers, and a control room where the feeds converge. Much of it is supplied or financed by Chinese firms and banks, while other layers come mainly from Israeli firms.


The common justification usually given by African governments is that acquiring this equipment is necessary to fight crime, but the crime numbers are not decreasing. IDS researchers, having examined the installations across several cities, found little evidence that the cameras reduce offending, and the evidence actually shows that cameras cluster in neighbourhoods where opposition parties organise, where protests have happened and where the press has “made trouble” for ruling regimes.

The info-infrastructure of dictatorships in Africa is not new, and it won’t be starting from zero. In most African countries, the state has long had an appetite for data. Records from communications, tax rolls, bank accounts, and administrative registries have been collected for decades and used with little legal restraint, even where protections exist on paper. What is new is the engine. AI turns the dormant files into a queryable archive. A name, a network, a pattern of travel, a history of transactions, now surface in seconds. 

Even the KGB, the Soviet Union’s secret police, as Yuval Noah Harari has pointed out, did not have enough people to read millions of reports on millions of citizens every day. The dust in the archive was itself a form of freedom. AI dissolves that dust.  

The AI-enabled surveillance now coming online in African cities is much cheaper thanks to Chinese open AI models and Israeli smart tools, because it rarely needs to punish anyone. Mass surveillance technologies — cameras, phone software, local internet networks — do not have to arrest anyone. They only need the citizens to know they are there. The awareness of being watched stops most action before it begins. 

The target list

Every movement for change on the continent has begun the same way. A group of people decides the risk of being seen in public is lower than the risk of staying silent. They gather. They post. The images travel. Sometimes the government falls. Sometimes it holds. The calculation in both cases turns on a single moment, when strangers become visible to each other and to the world as a movement. 

The upgrade changes that calculation at the source. 

AI-enabled surveillance is not a neutral grid cast over a city. It is configured around a target list, and that target list is political. The IDS mapping shows cameras clustered where opposition parties organise, not where ordinary crime is highest. 

The effect is pre-emptive; it suppresses dissent before it forms. Facial recognition at a bus stop does not need to arrest the organiser; it only needs to make clear that organising is no longer anonymous, and that being identified carries a cost. For instance, a protest planned for Sunday and identified on Saturday — through metadata, social media posts, network analysis and face-matching — rarely needs to be broken up by police. The organisers already know they have been seen, and they know what being seen can cost: arrest, charges filed later in court, or even being banned from government jobs. Often, the protest simply does not form. 

The logic compresses into a loop: the algorithm flags a person as a likely organiser, and that flag is treated as proof that the event would have occurred; thus, the person cannot be innocent because the alarm itself is the evidence. In a country with thin courts and a politicised security service, this becomes a machine that treats intention as guilt. 

Digital footprints widen the target list. Through the traces users leave online and through state-controlled communications, the state can build a profile of every citizen, then query it for signs of disloyalty. Not for what the person has done, but for what they have liked, who they have called or messaged, which rally their phone was near, which anti-government hashtag they shared. The quietest and most uncomfortable finding within the Atlantic Council’s report concerns this integration of administrative databases into something broader, a loyalty index, built out of records that were each introduced, separately, for a different reason.  

The consequence is that reform dies early. CIPESA (the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa) documents the chilling effect across fourteen countries; a measurable retreat of expression, assembly, and independent media in places where the surveillance architecture has been built out without rights-based safeguards. The citizen who would have marched, posted, joined the committee, filed the complaint, now calculates and stays home. 

From North to South Africa, a new kind of everyday atmosphere settles in. The seed of change is aborted, not in a cell but in a bedroom, by a person who has understood that the database remembers, and that the algorithm does not distinguish between the opinion expressed and the opinion held. 

This is what the upgrade protects most efficiently. Not the state’s capacity to punish. It’s capacity to make punishment unnecessary. Foucault called this the panopticon: a design in which the inmate, uncertain whether the guard tower is occupied, learns to guard himself. 

Those who refuse

While AI surveillance is becoming a powerful tool for authoritarian regimes, there are small counter-efforts, underfunded, and racing against a procurement cycle that has already delivered the cameras and wired the databases. Several journalists and organisations are documenting abuses, litigating test cases, and pushing for rights-based AI governance. Civic technologists are turning the same tools back on the state, including fact-checking generative content, monitoring hate speech, observing elections, and offering open, safe, smart tools for journalists and activists. 

However, the symmetry is false. The infrastructure, the compute, the training data, the vendor contracts, the technical talent, all sit with the state and its foreign suppliers. They do not sit with the African citizen, who struggles every day for just their daily bread. A civic-tech app might monitor some corruption, but it cannot match the control room. 

The few cubic centimetres

Orwell’s dictatorship needed a ministry, a war, an informant behind every door. The new African version seems to need only a loan agreement for buying AI infrastructure, and a population that has been persuaded that the whole thing is for their convenience. 

The historian Yuval Noah Harari has warned that the combination of biometric sensors, facial and voice recognition “make it possible for the first time in history for a dictatorial government to follow all the citizens all the time,” and could produce totalitarian regimes “much, much worse than anything we saw in the 20th century.” That warning is usually aimed at Beijing. But Beijing and Tel Aviv are starting to export the tools to Africa. 

The fear on the continent is not that AI will turn any single African state into a dictatorship. The fear is that AI is lowering the cost of authoritarian capacity and raising its ceiling — at an unprecedented pace, at precisely the moment when the appetite of corrupt regimes is growing, and the legal and institutional safeguards meant to contain them are thin or absent.  

Certainly, AI can be a lever for development and well-being in Africa; for public services, for innovation, and for expression, too. But, without the underlying infrastructure of democracy and a free press, it becomes a nightmare."

The entire story can be read at:

https://globalvoices.org/2026/05/22/how-ai-is-upgrading-african-dictatorship/

PUBLISHER'S NOTE:  I am monitoring this case/issue/resource. Keep your eye on the Charles Smith Blog for reports on developments. The Toronto Star, my previous employer for more than twenty incredible years, has put considerable effort into exposing the harm caused by Dr. Charles Smith and his protectors - and into pushing for reform of Ontario's forensic pediatric pathology system.  Please send any comments or information on other cases and issues of interest to the readers of this blog to: hlevy15@gmail.com.  Harold Levy: Publisher: The Charles Smith Blog. FINAL WORD:  (Applicable to all of our wrongful conviction cases):  "Whenever there is a wrongful conviction, it exposes errors in our criminal legal system, and we hope that this case — and lessons from it — can prevent future injustices."Lawyer Radha Natarajan: Executive Director: New England Innocence Project; FINAL, FINAL WORD: "Since its inception, the Innocence Project has pushed the criminal legal system to confront and correct the laws and policies that cause and contribute to wrongful convictions.   They never shied away from the hard cases — the ones involving eyewitness identifications, confessions, and bite marks. Instead, in the course of presenting scientific evidence of innocence, they've exposed the unreliability of evidence that was, for centuries, deemed untouchable." So true;