Friday, December 9, 2016

Technology: Justice by algorithm: The Atlantic (author George Joseph) takes a look at an algorithm described as "a little known risk assessment tool to help make bail decisions, in a story headed "Justice by Algorithm."..."It's supposed to be an objective way to keep non-violent defendants out of jail, but some fear it may be reinforcing racial bias."...“There’s no rational relationship between one’s ability to make bail and one’s threat to public safety,” says Makar. “If there is continued reliance on money bail without regard to the defendant’s ability to pay, any benefits a risk assessment tool may have cannot be optimized while operating in an arbitrary system.” If such experiences are not anomalous, pretrial services’ recommendations, based on these risk scores, could be further intensifying racial disparities already present in the Baltimore bail system. Black residents in Baltimore, for example, would seem to be far more likely to receive high risk scores under this risk assessment algorithm, which takes into account number of arrests (not convictions), earliest age of arrest, and drug arrests."


STORY: "Justice by algorithm" by George Joseph, published by The Atlantic (Citylab) on December 8, 2016.

SUB-HEADING: "Baltimore uses a little-known risk assessment tool to help make  bail decisions.  It's supposed to be  an objective way to keep non-violent defendants out of jail, but some fear it may be reinforcing racial bias."

GIST: "Baltimore uses a little-known risk assessment tool to help make bail decisions. It’s supposed to be an objective way to keep non-violent defendants out of jail, but some fear it might be reinforcing racial bias. "Clarence Barnham is a soft-spoken 53-year-old man with a wheezy voice and bright, twinkling eyes. He’s struggled with drug addiction and mental illness for over a decade, and has a long arrest record because of it. Nearly all of his fourteen convictions have been for drug charges; he’s never been accused of a violent crime and only missed a court date once. It’s not the kind of a criminal history that would seem to indicate that Barnham, who’s lived in West Baltimore his whole life, would be a public safety or flight risk. But after an August arrest for distribution and possession of heroin (charges he contests), he sat in jail for three months, unable to pay his $25,000 bail. In October, having found an in-house drug rehabilitation program through his public defender, Barnham was granted another bail review. At the rehearing, both Barnham's public defender and the prosecutor agreed he should be released without bail, citing the drug treatment program, his steady employment and family support network. But the pretrial service agent insisted on $5,000 bail—reversing his own agency's position in the first hearing and even interjecting after the prosecutor spoke to insist on bail being given. Why would pretrial services—which is supposed to be a neutral party that provides background information on defendants to judges—be tougher on a defendant than the prosecutor? Part of the answer may lie in the secret pretrial risk score the agency generated for Barnham. Baltimore’s Pretrial Release Services, like many agencies nationwide, uses a risk assessment tool to give defendants proceeding through the court system scores based upon statistical likelihoods of failure to appear or rearrest. These scores are supposed to help pretrial service agents recommend bail decisions to judges based on objective, standardized criteria. But no one else involved in the case, including the defendant and their attorney, gets to see or even hear about their score, much less the impact it has on their bail recommendation. The use of risk assessment tools has rapidly spread to many different parts of the criminal justice system, from bail to parole, in jurisdictions across the country. Less than 10 percent of U.S. jurisdictions use pretrial risk assessments today, but support for their introduction is growing in cities and states nationwide, financed by foundations interested in finding ways to release more “low-risk” defendants—and cutting down on the billions of dollars spent to hold them. But in Baltimore, even some defense attorneys are unaware of the use of this tool in the bail recommendation process. Little is known about the factors selected to calculate risk—and the potentially disparate impacts these calculations may have on bail recommendations for defendants from highly policed communities. Transparency on how these risk scores are being interpreted—and how judges are weighing the recommendations based on them—is especially important, as calls for bail reform through the expansion of these tools are growing in Maryland. ".........“There’s no rational relationship between one’s ability to make bail and one’s threat to public safety.” Several of the criteria the tool weighs—such as age of first arrest and number of arrests—mean that those like Barnham who live in in high-poverty and non-white areas are more likely to be considered high risk by pretrial services because of greater, and often discriminatory, contact with law enforcement. Such assessments could accurately reflect historical data showing that residents of highly-policed black neighborhoods in Baltimore are more likely to be rearrested pretrial or miss court dates. The key question then becomes: How is this information used? Advocates of risk assessments say that, in addition to weeding out low-risk defendants, these tools can be used to delineate what social supports, such as drug rehabilitation and court date reminders, certain high-risk defendants need—and identify the fraction of them that must be detained for public safety. Critics contend that the intended use of the tool is beside the point, if pretrial service agents do not have resources or requirements to support defendants, and are instead using risk classifications to promote harsh money bail decisions against defendants from poor, highly-policed neighborhoods. Todd Oppenheim, Clarence Barnham’s public defender, says in his experience pretrial agents mostly interpret high-risk scores to mean people are dangerous and need to be given high bail amounts to keep them in jail. “Pretrial never finds these services like we sometimes do for our clients,” says Oppenheim. “Sometimes, when pretrial is late, I’ll make a sarcastic comment to the judge and say, ‘We know they are going to ask for a bail increase, so can we just go ahead and make our arguments already?’. Zina Makar, co-director of the Pretrial Justice Clinic at the University of Baltimore School of Law, also argues that the courts’ continuing practice of setting inaccessible bail amounts for poor defendants suggests the tool is not an effective means of pushing for the release of defendants based on their flight or public safety risk. “There’s no rational relationship between one’s ability to make bail and one’s threat to public safety,” says Makar. “If there is continued reliance on money bail without regard to the defendant’s ability to pay, any benefits a risk assessment tool may have cannot be optimized while operating in an arbitrary system.” If such experiences are not anomalous, pretrial services’ recommendations, based on these risk scores, could be further intensifying racial disparities already present in the Baltimore bail system. Black residents in Baltimore, for example, would seem to be far more likely to receive high risk scores under this risk assessment algorithm, which takes into account number of arrests (not convictions), earliest age of arrest, and drug arrests. According to city arrest data over January 2013 to December 2016, black residents accounted for 81.5 percent of all arrests (107,319 of 131,543 arrests), despite making up 63.7 percent of the population according to Census estimates. Of black arrests in this period, 36.2 percent were of individuals twenty-five years or younger. Of white arrests, only 21.3 percent were of individuals twenty-five years or younger. According to city drug arrest data from January 2013 to November 2016, black residents accounted for 84.6 percent of all controlled dangerous substance and narcotics arrests. Geographic data from Baltimore drug arrests shows how drug policing is concentrated in black neighborhoods. ........As long as the relationship between risk scores, bail recommendations, and bail decisions remains opaque, it’s difficult to definitively say whether the implementation of Baltimore’s risk assessment tool is helping defendants get out or further justifying the jailing of many more. What little evidence is available on pretrial services’ institutional capacities and courts’ bail setting records suggest the non-incarceration route is often passed by. Which route is taken can have major consequences."

The entire story can be found at:


http://www.citylab.com/crime/2016/12/justice-by-algorithm/505514/

PUBLISHER'S NOTE: I am monitoring this case/issue. Keep your eye on the Charles Smith Blog for reports on developments. The Toronto Star, my previous employer for more than twenty incredible years, has put considerable effort into exposing the harm caused by Dr. Charles Smith and his protectors - and into pushing for reform of Ontario's forensic pediatric pathology system. The Star has a "topic" section which focuses on recent stories related to Dr. Charles Smith. It can be found at: http://www.thestar.com/topic/charlessmith. Information on "The Charles Smith Blog Award"- and its nomination process - can be found at: http://smithforensic.blogspot.com/2011/05/charles-smith-blog-award-nominations.html Please send any comments or information on other cases and issues of interest to the readers of this blog to: hlevy15@gmail.com. Harold Levy; Publisher; The Charles Smith Blog.