SUB-HEADING: "Rodney Reed’s lawyers have filed a lawsuit claiming Texas is violating his constitutional rights."
"TEXAS'S
DEATH-PENALTY machinery is humming. Last year, the state carried out
more than half of America's executions. So far this year, six out of 15
have been carried out in the state and that share will increase. A
further nine inmates on death row are
slated
to die in Texas in 2019. After the execution set for September 25th of
Robert Sparks—who in 2007 confessed to fatally stabbing his wife and two
step-sons and raping his step-daughters—four executions are scheduled
for October, three for November and one in December. On November
20th it will be the turn of Rodney Reed, a 51-year-old black man who was
found guilty of killing Stacey Stites, a 19-year-old white woman, in
1996. Mr Reed has been on Texas’s crowded death row since 1998. At the
trial, the main evidence connecting Mr Reed to the crime was strands of
his DNA found inside Ms Stites’s body. Mr Reed said he had been having
an affair with Ms Stites at the time of her death—and that he had sex
with her the day before she was found strangled with her own woven
leather belt on the side of a country road in Bastrop County, Texas. No
evidence put Mr Reed at the scene of the crime. Nor were there any
eyewitnesses implicating him. Instead, prosecutors relied on Mr Reed’s
semen found in a vaginal swab and presented this to jurors as the
“smoking gun”. But Mr Reed and his legal team—including lawyers from the
Innocence Project, an organisation dedicated to freeing wrongfully
convicted prisoners and, in capital cases, fighting against their
executions—argue that the trial was marred by unexamined evidence and
false scientific claims. They argue that Jimmy Fennell, Ms Stites’s
fiancé and a police officer at the time, should have been more closely
investigated. Mr Fennell, who has denied involvement in Ms Stites’s
death, was the primary suspect in the case for more than a year before
suspicions turned to Mr Reed. In a
complaint
filed in August—the latest in a series stretching back years—Mr Reed’s
lawyers describe waffling in Mr Fennell’s testimony, his two failed
polygraph tests and the “unusual” actions he took, including ditching
his truck and closing his bank account while his fiancé was still
missing. Before she died, it was claimed that Mr Fennell had been heard
saying that he would kill Ms Stites by strangling her with a belt if she
ever cheated on him. A decade later, Mr Fennell served a decade in
prison for abducting and raping a young woman. Mr Reed’s lawyers
also observe that key testimony from a forensic scientist attesting to
the timeline of Ms Stites’s death was later found (by the scientist’s
admission) to be false and that eye witnesses had seen Mr Reed and Ms
Stites together “at various times prior to her murder”, apparently
supporting his claim that they had been in a relationship. All of this
may cast doubt on the validity of Mr Reed’s conviction, but none of it
proves his innocence. For years, Mr Reed’s lawyers have been
arguing that their client should get a new trial in which additional
evidence—including DNA analysis of previously overlooked crime-scene
items—could be introduced. During the original trial, neither Ms
Stites’s clothing nor the murder weapon, the belt, was analysed for
genetic material. But these garments and objects remain safely stored,
have not been tampered with or compromised and could, plausibly, if
tested, exonerate Mr Reed. In 2017, the Court of Criminal Appeals of
Texas
refused
to order post-conviction DNA analysis because Mr Reed did not prove
that “exculpatory DNA results would have resulted in his acquittal”.
This June, the same court
denied a similar request. With
avenues in state courts thus closed mere months before Mr Reed’s
execution date, his lawyers’ latest attempt to get a federal court to
order a new trial invokes both civil-rights law and the federal
constitution. Denying Mr Reed a chance to prove his innocence, the
complaint says, violates Section 1983 of the Civil Rights Act of 1871
affording individuals a hook for a lawsuit when states deny them
constitutional rights. And there are a host of rights at stake,
according to the complaint: Mr Reed’s right to due process, to be
protected from cruel and unusual punishments, to access courts and to
prove his innocence. Mr Reed’s case has attracted national
attention, including that of Sister Helen Prejean, an activist opposing
the death penalty who wrote “Dead Man Walking”, a 1993 book that
inspired a film of the same name two years later. Sister Prejean visited
Mr Reed’s family upon his previous execution date in 2015 and has
served as an informal advocate. She recently tweeted that Texas seeks to
execute him “even though several items from the crime scene—including
the murder weapon—were never tested for DNA”. By any measure, the
death penalty in America is in decline. Last year, 25 prisoners were put
to death in eight states, down from a peak of 98 executions across 20
states in 1999. The number of death sentences is falling, too: in 2018,
only 42 people were sent to death row compared to some 300 in the
mid-1990s. Popular support for capital punishment has dwindled along
with executions. In 1994, 80% of Americans approved of the death penalty
for murder; last year, 56% did. Although William Barr, the
attorney-general, announced in July that the federal government would
resume executions of those sentenced to death for federal crimes—five
are on the calendar for December and January, the first since
2003—capital punishment is an option in fewer and fewer states. In the
past three years state courts have struck down the death penalty in
Delaware and Washington; California’s governor imposed a moratorium in
March; and in May, the New Hampshire legislature voted to abolish it. This
retreat has been prompted by a number of factors including capital
punishment’s exorbitant cost. But the most distressing flaw of capital
punishment is well illustrated by the uncertainties in Mr Reed’s story:
the risk that the state may execute innocent people."